Writing Oneself in Cyberspace

        Daniel Chandler

        • Abstract
        • Writing Oneself in Cyberspace
        • Notes
        • References


        A more recent version of this paper can be found at http://www.aber.ac.uk/media/Documents/short/webident.html.

        Abstract

        In the act of writing we are written, and the Internet offers those who are fortunate to have access to it a unique opportunity to 'write themselves' on a global stage. Great emphasis has been given to radical transformations of identity in chat systems and e-mail, but the more subtle potential of the new genre of the 'personal home page' on the World-Wide Web tends to be overlooked. Students constitute the vast majority of those who have such pages on the Web and writing web pages is even beginning to be offered as an alternative to essays. Websites are frequently signposted as 'under construction', but the construction involved may at least in part be that of their makers' identities. This may lead some to experience the Web as possessing particular potency as a medium of writing.

        The broad context in which this paper is set is that of 'the Internet'. I challenge anyone to offer an adequate description of this term because it includes many different tools whose nature and relationship to each other are constantly shifting. The tools on the Internet which are likely to be most familiar to the current audience are likely to include e-mail, the World-Wide Web and perhaps newsgroups and IRC (a real-time textual chat system). Whilst the interconnectedness of such elements is partly what makes this supermedium 'the Internet', this paper focuses on the World-Wide Web, and in particular on an aspect which has received little attention from researchers - 'personal home pages'. Despite this focus the title of this paper includes the dramatic term 'cyberspace' (which is even more difficult to define than 'the Internet') because I would like to suggest that personal home pages on the Web amount to what can be seen as a key element in a new communications environment.

        Whilst the fundamental technical difference between the medium of speech and that of writing is that writing is automatically recorded, web pages introduce another key feature: what is written on a web page (and stored on a web-server) is automatically published on a global scale. Since writing for real audiences is a significant issue in writing pedagogy, this feature of the medium should be of particular interest to those involved in writing development. But as with the differences between speech and writing as media, this basic technical feature is linked to a range of potential functions and uses, some of which may be equally important from the perspective of educators. If nothing else, home pages are a new genre for writing which students should be encouraged to explore: it is indeed a genre which is likely to be perceived by many students (and employers) as more 'relevant' than the traditional academic essay. But it is the potential of this genre for self-presentation to which I turn now.

        Anyone who uses the World-Wide Web is familiar with those ubiquitous signs - like roadsigns - which refer to websites which are 'under construction'. These signs are commonly used to indicate either that a site is completely new to the Web or that it is an existing site which is undergoing major remodelling. The widespread use of such signs may also reflect a recognition that the Web is a medium in which form and content are constantly changing. Although the Web is a virtual environment, the use of roadsigns alludes to the writing of web pages as a physical act of building, and clearly writing a web page is authentic labour involving the expenditure of effort and energy. However, the construction involved is more than the construction of the sites themselves: 'home pages' on the web are one of the most dramatically visible signs of the construction of reality - a notion reflecting a stance amongst social scientists which is known as social constructivism (or constructionism). It is in recognition of this dimension of the construction of reality that a sign on my own personal website is labelled 'constructivism at work' (1). In particular, personal home pages can be seen as reflecting the construction of their makers' identities. Creating such pages offers an unrivalled opportunity for self-presentation in relation to any dimension of social and personal identity to which ones chooses to allude. Such a virtual environment offers a unique context in which one may experiment with shaping one's own public identity.

        Thomas Erickson (1996) comments:

          While personal portrayal is a new type of usage of the Web, it is very ordinary behaviour in the real world. People go to considerable effort and expense to manage their appearance. Portrayal management ranges from the ways in which people act in public, to the clothes they wear and the goods they possess and consume. The World-Wide Web is one of the first venues where individuals can construct portrayals of themselves using information rather than consumer goods as their palette.

        The Web is a medium which represents a radical departure from previous modes for the 'presentation of self in everyday life' (Goffman 1969). Modes of communication can be usefully categorised according to two key features: whether they constitute interpersonal communication (as with conversations) or mass communication (by which here is meant simply published, on whatever scale); and whether they are synchronous - operating in 'real-time' with the potential for virtually immediate responses (as with conversations) - or asynchronous (as with letters sent by post). Within this framework, the modes of communication which may be employed for self-presentation (as well as other purposes) include:

        • synchronous interpersonal communication through both speech and non-verbal cues (direct face-to-face interaction, videolinks); through speech alone (telephone) or primarily through text (Internet chat systems);
        • asynchronous interpersonal communication primarily through text (letters, fax, e-mail);
        • asynchronous mass communication through text, graphics and/or audio-visual media (articles, books, television etc.).

        Only the low-technology versions of the first three forms of interpersonal communication (direct face-to-face interaction, telephone and letters) are routinely available to most people; mass communication as a mode of self-presentation prior to the Web has been a tool of the privileged few. Whilst the Internet as a whole offers all of these modes in one form or another, Web pages themselves (if we can regard them as separable from facilities such as e-mail to which they are typically directly linked) offer the potential for asynchronous mass communication in a medium which, despite far from universal access (2), is incalculably more widely-accessible for self-presentation than the traditional mass media.

        Steven Rubio complains: 'When you visit my home page, you don't get to meet me, but only my presentation of myself' (Rubio 1996). And Mike Sandbothe, a philosophical web page author, writes: 'My Web page... mediatively interacts with other people in my absence... The particularity in the World Wide Web's media structure lies not least in this new dimension... that of a so-to-speak "a-present" interactivity independent of my real presence... The images we have of ourselves and which other have of us gain a life of their own independent of our presence' (Sandbothe 1996). Such references to the semi-autonomous nature of home pages often imply a comparison with face-to-face interaction: there is nothing new about this feeling of textual autonomy in print (Chandler 1995). 'Virtual selves' have existed ever since people have been publishing their writing. Plato noted this feature of the technology of books in the Phaedrus and Seventh Letter: people can encounter your ideas in the form of your 'textual self' (your article or book) without meeting you (Hamilton 1971). What is new about such virtual selves is that they have never before been available to so many people. However 'misinterpreted' they may be, such virtual selves extend their author's potential influence in both time (particularly with books) and space (particularly with the World-Wide Web).

        Comparisons of home pages with face-to-face interaction are misleading. Other than in association with e-mail or on-line chat facilities, home pages offer readers none of the fleeting and situated particularity of face-to-face interactions, such as facial expressions, vocal cues, body language - posture, gestures and non-verbal mannerisms in general - together with style of dress and hairstyle. The asynchronous nature of home page presentations of self makes them more comparable to textual forms (such as letters - and indeed more private forms such as diaries) than to speech interaction (such as face-to-face or telephone conversations). Also unlike interpersonal communication, the potential mass audience of home pages makes them distinctively different from traditional forms of self-presentation, making them more comparable to mass media (such as the published books, which for the purposes of self-presentation are available only to a privileged few). The personal home page is a self-publishing medium in both senses of the term: being able to produce webpages is like owning your own printing press, and what some might call 'self-advertisement' seems to be a key function. Paul, a British home page author, commented to me: 'As a form of self-advertisement they [personal home pages] have extraordinary bandwidth (compared to, for example, a style of dress)' (e-mail message 9/11/96).

        Personal home pages may be more like texts on paper than face-to-face interaction but a comparison with paper-bound forms can be carried too far. Firstly, unlike printed media, web pages are audio-visual media (although, at least at present, web pages tend to feature text more than conventional audio-visual media have done - much as any new medium seems initially to imitate earlier forms). More fundamentally, however, web pages are much more dynamic than print. An oft-mentioned feature of this is that they can be linked to each other in complex ways using hypertext, in contrast to what some have seen as the linear nature of print (Snyder 1996). But perhaps most dramatically personal home pages have none of the fixity of print (I came across one British home page entitled 'He changes his webpages more often than his underpants'!) (3). Home pages constitute a medium which can be continually revised, making such pages closer in this sense to the provisional, informal and personal status of notes and drafts rather than to the formal and public status of published text. This ontological feature may well be one reason for the importance to some people of their personal home pages.

        What has been half-humorously described as 'the genus Home page' (Denison 1995) is almost as slippery to define as 'the Internet' or 'computers', and attempting definition invites reification almost as much. The home pages of academics, for instance, can be seen as part of a continuum ranging from institutional staff profiles which may or may not be written by their subjects, to home pages serving more personal (academic and non-academic) purposes for their authors - pages which may or may not be stored on university computer systems. Whilst this paper is not concerned with home pages whose primary purpose is apparently commercial the term is meant to include the apparently self-generated pages of academics and students (even those on institutional systems) as well as those of private individuals, whether they focus on their professional interests, their personal interests or both. This inclusion of personal home pages which veer towards the 'professional' seems important since a 'blending of the professional and the personal' is a key feature of the Web (Erickson 1996) - indeed, home pages are a medium in which conventional relationships between public and private are visibly in the process of transformation (Kelly 1995). The very name 'home page' is revealing in this context. John Seabrook comments that 'a home in the real world is, among other things, a way of keeping the world out... An on-line home, on the other hand, is a little hole you drill in the wall of your real home to let the world in' (Seabrook 1995).

        The content of what is meant here by personal home pages can be recognized as drawing on a palette of paradigms which includes:

        • Personal statistics, biographical details and/or CV;
        • Interests, likes and dislikes (music, art, films, TV, books, travel, sports, hobbies);
        • Ideas, beliefs and causes (religious, political, philosophical);
        • Current activities;
        • Original creative work by the author (photographs, artwork, poems, stories, articles, music);
        • Borrowings from others (quotations, artwork, music);
        • Lists of (and links to) friends, family, workmates and Web acquaintances;
        • Details of the author's real-world home, town, region and/or country;
        • Contact details.

        Creating a personal home page can be seen as building a virtual identity insofar as it flags topics, stances and people regarded by the author as significant (as well as what may sometimes either be 'notable by its absence' or 'go without saying'). Sherry Turkle notes that in a home page, 'One's identity emerges from whom one knows, one's associations and connections' (Turkle 1996a: 258). More boldly, another commentator declares: 'Show me what your links are, and I'll tell you what kind of person you are' (Miller 1995). Where such links are to the pages of friends or to those who share one's interests this can be seen as involving the construction of a kind of virtual community by home page authors.

        It is not difficult to see that one unifying feature underlying the content of such pages is the unspoken question: 'Who am I?'. This question no doubt seems important to home page authors in part because they are aware that using the medium involves publishing their pages for a much larger audience than their circle of immediate acquaintances (4). Some critics of home pages are quick to dismiss the worth of such pages by responding, 'Who cares?'; the genre has been unkindly described as 'a fan club to oneself' (DiGiovanna 1995). Playing on Sartre, one wit remarked: 'Hell is... other people's home pages' (cited in Buten 1996). However, it is easy for published writers to be so dismissive. As academics, slow as the process may sometimes be, we are used to being published and to our ideas being taken seriously (at least by a relatively select audience). Publishing one's ideas has traditionally been reserved for the élite of which academics (but not their students) were a part. Whilst the World-Wide Web is hardly equally available for all, it does at least allow substantially larger numbers of people (including students) to publish their ideas. Reacting to his students' first personal home pages, an American educator wrote to me: 'They didn't have a whole lot to say, they just wanted to be heard' (Martin, e-mail message 9/1/97). An on-line commentator sadly noted that 'most people don't get the chance to write a book or be published anywhere. The Net gives everyone a chance to say something before they die' (D. Jacobs, cited in Turkle 1995). It is true that many personal home pages are banal, badly executed or bizarre; some of these pages may well be practically useless to anyone other than their authors. Whether they are perceived by readers in this way or not, home pages do seem to be important to many of their authors. Personal home pages represent a brand new genre, and they are worth investigating both for researchers and educators. Educators in particular should take note since John Buten's US survey in May 1996 found that 73% of personal home pages were those of students (Buten 1996).

        It is difficult to know exactly what the personal home page can be compared to as a genre. Hugh Miller (1995) makes analogies with: pen-pal letters; organizational handbook entries; Christmas circular letters; pinboard displays; CVs; personal (lonely hearts) ads; commercial ads and flyers. I would add magazine articles, journal papers, books of many kinds (especially autobiographies, travelogues and reference works), magazines, fanzines, scrapbooks, photograph albums, self-assessment questionnaires, family slide-shows, home movies, matchmaking forms, personal journals or diaries and even entire living spaces and homes, with their furnishings, posters, bookshelves, music collections, photos and so on.

        Whilst personal home pages are distinctive media forms in terms of content, as web pages they are also distinctive in form. Personal home pages include not only text, but also graphics (still and moving, including photographs, cartoons and artwork) and sound (voices, music and sound effects). Indeed, some personal home pages have less text than graphics. Individual 'pages' vary from short screenfuls to long scrolls, and one individual's personal home pages may range from a single page to many interconnected pages. Whilst personal home pages are more comparable to printed pages than to face-to-face communication, as web pages they have several features which make them unlike pages printed on paper. Some home pages are divided into separate windows or 'frames'. Some have an 'access counter' to log the number of 'hits'; some have a 'guestbook' for people to leave comments about the page which others can review; some have 'forms' to fill in. Home pages include links to other pages (both those of the author and those of others), with or without comment, typically thematized, though often just 'hotlists' of 'cool links'. Some links are accessed by pressing graphical 'buttons' carrying appropriate logos. Whilst on-line communication is not the concern of this paper it should be noted that an e-mail button enabling asynchronous textual communication is usually part of a home page, and a chat button enabling synchronous communication when the author happens to be on-line is also sometimes available. Admittedly, home pages are not entirely separate from such tools but such territory is already well-travelled by researchers (e.g. Jaffe et al. 1995 and references).

        Claude Lévi-Strauss's notion of the bricoleur who appropriates the materials which are ready-to-hand is now fairly well-known (Lévi-Strauss 1974: 21). Constructing a personal home page involves bricolage: very few home page authors create a page entirely from scratch. Quite apart from those created using special home page creation programs, foreground images, background 'wallpaper', sounds and the code used to generate a particular format are often copied from other people's pages (sometimes with some editing). But another dimension of bricolage is that the appropriation of materials is part of the construction of the bricoleur's identity (ibid.; Jenkins 1992). The American educator I mentioned earlier noted that whilst his initial reaction to his students' personal home pages was that they seemed to say very little, he came to realize that the use of 'confusing layout and added multimedia' was their way of differentiating themselves from others, 'a way to make a personal statement' (Martin, e-mail message 9/1/97).

        Although home pages authors choose what to reveal about themselves in the formal content of their pages, the form in which they do so may involve both intentional and unintentional disclosures (as well as sometimes leading to misinterpretation). In an on-line interview I conducted (19/9/96), Iain, a British home page author, wrote: 'The way I code my page is very reflective of the way I work and live - sort of ordered and trying to keep structure to it. Some pages I have seen obviously reflect arty-type personalities. I look at mine and think yep, this says science-type person.' On the most mundane level, a self-authored page may show that the author used a standard authoring package or wrote the code directly. Spelling, punctuation and grammatical idiosyncrasies tend to glare at the literate reader in beautifully-displayed and illuminated text on the screen. The way in which language is used is one of the most revealing features of a home page. Hugh Miller comments:

          The 'usual' structure and content of home pages [can be used]... more or less ironically to convey more subtle information... The implicit information that does leak through is paralinguistic, rather than non-verbal - a matter of style, structure and vocabulary - or paracommunicational - a matter of how I deal with a Web page compared with customary ways of doing it... Personality emerges from how people bend or gently break the rules [or conventions]. (Miller 1995)

        Few would dispute that, subject to individual strengths and limitations in experience, skill and resources, the style and structure of web pages may sometimes say as much about their authors as does the content. But such a mundane observation underplays a key function of authorship. Elsewhere I have discussed at length the importance for some people of the medium and process of writing not only in recording their ideas - and, for the lucky few, presenting these through formal publication - but in the very construction of their thoughts, feelings and identities (Chandler 1995). At least as much as in writing on paper, constructing a personal home page can be seen as shaping not only the materials but also (in part through manipulating the various materials) one's identity. In an on-line interview with me, Tristan, a British home page author, commented regarding his pages (which had grown into an on-line "'zine"): 'It helps to define who I am. Before I start to look at/write about something then I'm often not sure what my feelings are, but after having done so, I can at least have more of an idea'. Another home page author called Kurt wrote candidly on his page that 'this has/will be an outlet for me to... sort out my own feelings'. Whilst this may be a familiar function for writing with conventional media, the Web makes this process very public indeed. Where home pages perform such functions for their authors, the Web seems to be leading to what might formerly have been private writing (such as in a personal diary) being laid before the eyes of the world. Some home page authors are extraordinarily frank and revealing about themselves compared to what might ordinarily expect in face-to-face interaction with strangers, reflecting Foucault's observation that 'we've become a singularly confessing society' (cited in Hoberman nd).

        The medium of web pages offers possibilities both for the 'presentation' and shaping of self which are shared neither by text on paper or face-to-face interaction. I have already alluded to the instant publication which the medium involves. But rather than the proverbial '15-minutes of fame' which is the best chance of public recognition that most people may hope for in their lifetimes, a web page is potentially a conquest of space rather than time: subject to the appeal of its content its audience can be global. On the Web, the personal function of 'discovering' (or at least clarifying) one's thoughts, feelings and identity is fused with the public function of publishing these to a larger audience than traditional media have ever offered. However, there is a notable precedent in this respect - the publication in 1580 by Michel de Montaigne of his Essays. It remains to be seen whether the evolving genre of the personal home page will become as significant in its impact - not least on academia - as the genre of the essay.

        Some critics have expressed an anxiety that Web pages may lead people to manipulate their public identities more than has been possible with traditional media. Howard Rheingold has argued that 'the authenticity of relationships [and identities] is always in question in cyberspace, because of the masking and distancing of the medium, in a way that it is not in question in real life' (Rheingold nd). Hugh Miller notes that in personal home pages 'information about the self is explicitly stated and can be managed by the person making the communication' (Miller 1995). This is, of course, not so easy in the direct face-to-face interaction. John Buten, with a certain degree of technological determinism, comments that 'the Web might encourage conscious and deliberate social practices of self presentation' (e-mail message, 9/11/96). Clearly, different media and modes of communication facilitate and inhibit different patterns of behaviour. We do not present ourselves in any kind of writing in the same way as we do in face-to-face interaction. Michael Jaffe et al. note that 'a person "manages identity" by deliberately exhibiting and withholding pieces of social information, for the purpose of influencing the perceptions of others towards that person... This is an easier task when cues are limited to verbal text... than when they include graphics and vocal information, as in FTF [face-to-face] communication' (Jaffe et al. 1995).

        In synchronous textual communication environments within the Internet such as MUDs (Multi-User Domains - typically represented as interconnected 'rooms') and chat systems, adopted identities (including gender-switching) are well-known (Stone 1995, Turkle 1996a). Despite the deliberate manipulation of identity by some people in such synchronous communication systems and, to a much lesser extent, in e-mail (which is a potential rapid response system but not synchronous), the consensus amongst researchers in the field is that in the asynchronous presentational medium of personal home pages on the Web people generally seem to be comparatively honest about themselves (Kelly 1995; Buten, e-mail message 9/11/96) - though this is certainly not to say that home pages do not involve impression management. What makes such self-presentation less dramatic than in the other Internet environments referred to is probably that home pages embody many ties to what is sometimes, in this context, called RL (Real Life as opposed to VR, or Virtual Reality). Personal home pages often include such ties to RL as: photographs of the authors which are at least identifiable by those who know them in RL; e-mail addresses which often reveal institutional affiliations; links to other people who know the authors in RL; RL home and/or institutional addresses, and so on. The social ties typically embedded in personal home pages (without which they would hardly be recognizable as personal home pages) would tend to make assumed identities hard to sustain. Personal home pages are thus not the favoured medium of those who wish to adopt identities which would be completely unrecognizable to those who know them in RL (5).

        We can be more in control of the image we present on a personal home page than in day-to-day life. But, like a printed book, a home page cannot adapt itself to changing audiences and contexts. Some critics persist in making the unfavourable comparison with face-to-face interaction. Hugh Miller complains:

          When you call up my home page... you may get there through an orderly route via my institution, department, speciality, and so on, but you might have found me because I'm 'nerdy home page of the month' on the home page of someone in Mexico. If I knew that was the way people were going to get to me, I might have arranged my public face differently. (Miller 1995)

        Such frustrations are probably inevitable in a new genre within a new medium. Richard, a British home page author wrote to me that deciding what to include is 'a bit like deciding what clothes to wear; except that I have no idea who is looking at my page, so there is no obvious etiquette about external appearances' (e-mail message, 27/9/96). A new genre poses new rhetorical problems for the author. Paul, another British home page author, asked: 'What can I say about me that I would be equally happy to have read by all the categories of people I might want to relate to?' (e-mail message 9/11/96). Rhetorical conventions for the genre from which we can learn will no doubt develop over time. But some of the writer's frustrations with the form may be advantageous to the reader. Thomas Erickson notes that

          On the Web I can find out about what people are doing and writing without becoming obligated to them. That is, any time I ask someone to do something in my behalf, I accrue a social debt to them. So, if I contact someone I don't know and request a paper, there is now likely to be an expectation that I will read the paper, and perhaps comment on it. The difficulty is that I may not have time to comment on it, or I may glance at it and find it uninteresting, and so I am left in an awkward position. The same issues arise, mutatis mutandis, in sharing one's own work. In short, the ability to find out what someone else is doing, without mutual knowledge of what's happening, is a boon to both parties. This non-mutuality of knowledge is one of the characteristics that makes social hypertext different from more direct forms of communication. (Erickson 1996)

        Miller accepts that there may be some advantages in the 'limitations' of personal home pages, noting that 'on the Web you can put yourself up for interaction without being aware of a rebuff, and others can try you out without risking being involved further than they would wish' (Miller 1995).

        The Web is often misleadingly defined in terms of being a global source of 'information'; exploring the subject of personal home pages helps to undermine such characterizations. 'Personal home pages and the World-Wide Web are not being used to "publish information"; they are being used to construct identity - useful information is just a side effect' (Erickson 1996). David Hoberman comments that 'the safety of being able to decide what exactly is to be revealed is attractive to many people' (Hoberman nd). In his on-line interview with me Iain wrote: 'You can get things right and project a different "you" to the world - sort of, "Hey, this is who I am!"... I think the important thing is you can only show the bits of you want and hide the bad bits you would get rid of if you could' (19/9/96). Thomas, an American undergraduate, noted that 'it's... interesting to see what people choose to tell about themselves, especially people you know' (cited in Burton 1995) - a thought that might give many of us cause to review our own home pages.

        Not having to reveal some facets of oneself has particular advantages for those from marginalized groups. James, a gay British Internet user, told me in an on-line interview that having a home page meant that he was 'out' in cyberspace long before being out in daily life, and found it useful to say to people, 'Oh, didn't you know?', feeling able to treat the issue as old news. And another Briton, Paul told me: 'There is a special role the Internet has for marginalized groups, in that it facilitates association by quite specific personal characteristics (being gay, a second generation British Asian, a disabled woman, etc.) rather than geography or incidental interests (liking a certain kind of music for example)' (e-mail, 9/11/96). However, he was not naive about the potential of the medium for all marginalized groups. He recognized that 'the Internet is more likely to serve the needs of... out gay men than it is ethnic minorities or the homeless (the latter being considerably more disenfranchised socially and having little chance of getting Internet access)... The Internet... is itself a marginalizing force at the moment... I would argue that the Internet will always serve best a group of people with particular intellectual and financial standing' (ibid.).

        Adopting a notion from Sherry Turkle (1996a: 260), I would suggest that home pages are objects which enable their authors to think about their identity. They can be seen as one of Foucault's 'technologies of the self' which allow us to transform the very way we think of ourselves and to change ourselves to who we really want to be (Garner, nd). A philosopher writes: 'My Web page is... in some cases even the creative invention of a new self, of a new identity, which I had previously hidden from myself and others' (Sandbothe 1996). Some people may feel 'more themselves' on the Internet than they do in RL in an analogous way to that in which some people feel better able to express their thoughts, feelings and personalities in writing than in face-to-face interaction. Indeed, Paul Kelly (1995) suggests that some Internet users may come to experience the face-to-face world as constraining their identity after more liberating experiences on the Internet. In this context critics who suggest that someone's on-line persona may not represent what the author is 'really' could be seen as phonocentric, privileging, in the romantic tradition, spoken, face-to-face interaction as somehow more 'real'. To make such an observation is not to suggest a lower priority for the social dimension but to widen our definition of what sociality involves, much as we do we when we regard even thinking as dialogical and writing as a social act. Many of the criticisms of presence on the Internet seem to me to have advanced little beyond Plato's fears about the technology of writing (it would be interesting to know whether Montaigne's Essays generated similar anxieties).

        For some commentators, one assumption is that the Internet reflects a trend towards less and less face-to-face interaction (e.g. Nelson-Kilger 1993). This seems to be part of a recurrent mythology which accompanies every new communication medium from writing onwards (in the recent novel The Wurd Chris Wilson (1996) posits a similar reaction to the emergence of language). There are also fears that young people will use cyberspace as a retreat from the everyday world. Sherry Turkle (1996b) argues that 'they may be working through important personal issues in the safety of life on the screen'. This is in line with Janice Radway's argument in Reading the Romance (1987) that women reading romances are not 'escaping' but are, in Turkle's words, 'building realities less limited than their own... a form of resistance, a challenge to the stultifying experiences of everyday life (Turkle 1996b). Perhaps writing personal home pages may sometimes perform a similar function. Nevertheless, it must be granted that the danger remains that for some people this may be at the expense of not changing the existing situation within the everyday world. But as Sherry Turkle argues, we could learn to use our VR experiences to change the everyday world of lived experience:

          Virtual environments are valuable as places where we can acknowledge our inner diversity. But we still want an authentic experience of self. One's fear is, of course, that in the culture of simulation, a word like authenticity can no longer apply... We don't have to reject life on the screen, but we don't have to treat it as an alternative life either. Virtual personae can be a resource for self-reflection and self-transformation. Having literally written our on-line worlds into existence, we can use the communities we build inside our machines to improve the ones outside of them. Like the anthropologist returning home from a foreign culture, the voyager in virtuality can return to the real world better able to understand what about it is arbitrary and can be changed. (Turkle 1996b)

        Certainly, it is not for educators to wash their hands of a new genre of writing in a new communications medium but rather to study the genre and its evolving rhetorical conventions and to use it appropriately with their students so as to empower them both within the medium and in 'RL'. Personal home pages constitute a genre in which students may develop their identities in writing, write for real audiences on the global stage and build virtual communities of interest. These should be fairly familiar as goals: they are those of any academic writer, and to deny their pursuit to our students in a medium which is so popular with them would be folly indeed.

        Notes

        1. The Media and Communication Studies Site is at: http://www.aber.ac.uk/media/
        2. Currently, we need to remind ourselves of what the surveys (e.g. Buten 1996; GVU 1996) are still telling us - that cyberspace is still primarily representative of the ‘information rich’ within the First World: the young to middle-aged professional, managerial and academic middle-class, overwhelmingly white and still inequitably male. 31.5% of Web users in April 1996 were female (a slight rise since the previous survey) (GVU 1996). Far more men than women have personal home pages. Buten’s survey in May 1996 found that only 14% of personal home pages were those of women (Buten 1996).
        3. Ironically, I cannot provide a reference for this since the page had changed when I went back to verify the wording! Indeed, many of the pages to which my references refer may also have disappeared by the time these words are published. John Buten’s US survey in May 1996 found that 63% of personal webpage authors reported updating their pages at least once a month, and 25% at least once a week., and noted that this was likely to be an underestimate since the large service providers were under-sampled. Furthermore, 72% of the personal home pages sampled were less than a year old (Buten 1996).
        4. However, I am struck by the way in which many young web page authors seem conscious only of an audience of their friends - which suggests a task for those involved in teaching writing in this medium.
        5. In Buten’s May 1996 survey in the USA, 91% of homepage authors felt that they presented themselves accurately on their web pages (though only 78% believed that other people presented themselves accurately on their home pages!). 67% felt that it was inappropriate to misrepresent yourself on your web page (compared to 83% regarding e-mail). Interestingly, authors under 20 were more likely than older authors to report that they felt that they presented themselves very accurately on their home pages: Buten suggests that perhaps they included more personal information (Buten 1996).

        References

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        Note: Links in these references are not maintained, and many had become defunct by the time of writing (I have printouts made at the time of access).

        A version of this paper appears in Rosemary Lonsdale (Ed.) (1998): Writing in Higher Education: Perspectives in Theory and Practice (Proceedings of the Fourth Conference on Writing Development in Higher Education, Aberystwyth, 8-9 April 1997). Aberystwyth: University of Wales, pp. 11-19. A later version of this paper is Personal Home Pages and the Construction of Identities on the Web.

        The author explicitly reserves the right to publish on-line versions of this paper.

        The preferred form of citation for the online version of this paper is as follows:

        • Chandler, Daniel (1997): 'Writing Oneself in Cyberspace' [WWW document] URL http://www.aber.ac.uk/media/Documents/short/homepgid.html [Date of Visit]

        This page has been accessed times since 19th May 1997.